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From January 1905 to June 1907, events took place in the Russian Empire that are called in history the impetus for mass uprisings. Let us consider further how the all-Russian October political strike began.

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On January 9, peaceful demonstrators in St. Petersburg were shot by imperial troops. From that moment on, the strike movement became large-scale. Unrest and uprisings began in the navy and army. The discontent of the people resulted in a mass uprising against the autocracy. The result of the all-Russian October political strike of 1905 was the adoption of the Manifesto.

Prerequisites

Why did the All-Russian October political strike of 1905 begin? The date on which the described events occurred coincided with a moment of severe industrial decline, disturbances in the monetary circulation scheme, crop failure and an increase in public debt. All these factors have exacerbated the need for reforms in government bodies. which was of key importance for the country, began to fade into the background. The era of intensive industrial development, introduction of new methods and technologies. All this required radical changes in the legal and administrative systems.

Creation of a special commission

As mentioned above, the October All-Russian political strike of 1905 was the people’s reaction to the events of January 9. After the shooting of peaceful demonstrators, Svyatopolk-Mirsky was removed from the post of minister. He was replaced at the post by Bulygin. Gen. was appointed to the new position of Governor General of St. Petersburg. Trepov. On January 29, Nicholas II issued a Decree on the formation of a special commission, headed by Senator Shidlovsky. The task of this body was to urgently clarify the causes of dissatisfaction among workers in St. Petersburg and the surrounding area and their subsequent elimination. It was planned to appoint factory owners, officials and workers' deputies as members of the commission. The demands put forward by the latter were declared unacceptable. On February 20, Shidlovsky presented a report to the monarch. In it he admitted the commission's insolvency. On the same day, by decree of the king, it was dissolved.

First unrest

After the events of January 9, a wave of strikes occurred throughout the country. 12-14 Jan. In Riga and Warsaw there was a mass protest against the execution of St. Petersburg workers. Russian railway workers began to join the strike movement. In the spring, students joined the uprisings. In May, a strike began among Ivanovo-Voznesensk textile workers. In many industrial cities The first Soviets of Workers' Deputies began to form. Social conflicts were complicated by national disputes. Thus, clashes between Armenians and Azerbaijanis took place in the Caucasus.

Government regulations

The All-Russian October political strike was brewing under conditions of extreme social tension. On February 18, the monarch published a manifesto calling for the eradication of sedition to strengthen the autocracy. In addition, a Decree was handed over to the Senate, which allowed proposals to be submitted to the sovereign aimed at improving the administrative system in the country. A rescript was signed in the name of Bulygin. It ordered the preparation of a law on a representative body - the Duma. All these acts in a certain way directed further social movement. City dumas, various unions of professional intelligentsia, and individual figures began to discuss the issue of involving the people in lawmaking. The attitude of the masses towards the work of the body established by Bulygin was formed. Petitions and reform projects began to be actively drawn up. Zemtsy organized three congresses (February, April, May). The latter was attended by city leaders. This congress ended with the presentation of a petition to the monarch for popular representation. On April 17, the Tsar issues a Decree on strengthening the foundations of religious tolerance. According to the document, it was allowed to depart from Orthodoxy to other religions. In early August, Nicholas II established the State Duma. The deadline for its convening is no later than mid-January 1906. At the same time, the Regulations on Elections were approved. However, of the 4 basic democratic norms, only one was implemented in practice - secret voting. The elections were neither general, nor equal, nor direct.

All-Russian October political strike (date)

The government reforms did not bring satisfaction to the masses. Nicholas II did not show due interest, striving to preserve the autocratic system. The all-Russian October political strike covered a wide variety of industries. The Bolsheviks played a key role in preparing the strike. In their activities they relied on the decisions adopted at the Third Congress of the RSDLP. The Railway Union also spoke out in favor of organizing mass protests. On September 19, an economic strike of Moscow printers began. It grew into mass unrest among representatives of different professions. By the beginning of October, Councils of Representatives of Moscow railway workers, printers, metal workers, carpenters, and tobacco workers were created. Rallies and meetings in support of workers also spread to other industrial centers. The Bolsheviks tried to transform economic strikes into political ones, and isolated unrest into an all-Russian strike. General protests by railway workers significantly accelerated this process.

Progress of the strike

On October 6, a meeting of representatives of Bolshevik organizations from several sections of the Moscow railway junction decided to start an all-Russian strike. In the evening of the same day, the RSDLP committee called for a general strike from 7.10. It covered all key railway lines coming from Moscow. On the same day, the citywide conference of Bolsheviks approved the decision to declare a strike throughout Moscow. The All-Russian October political strike took on large proportions. The strike after Moscow began in St. Petersburg, and then in other major cities. By 17.10, the all-Russian October political strike had paralyzed traffic on all railway lines in the country. In large cities, factories, factories, power plants, and transport stood up. The post office, telegraph, educational institutions, shops, and other institutions stopped working. The strike involved workers in the mining industry, railway workers, students, office workers, and factory workers. The total number of people reached 2 million. Demonstrations and rallies were held everywhere. In the Volga region, the Baltic states, and Transcaucasia, many of them escalated into direct armed clashes with troops and police. The All-Russian October political strike, in short, now pursued one goal - to eliminate the autocracy. The revolutionary masses began to form Councils of Deputies in St. Petersburg, Yekaterinoslav and other cities. Trade unions began to form in Yaroslavl, Vilnius, Tbilisi, and Riga. The autocracy's attempt to convene a new Duma was thwarted.

During the strike, the Bolsheviks quite successfully implemented the policy of the left bloc. It was aimed at forming a general democratic revolutionary front to fight tsarism under the leadership of the proletariat. Strike coalition committees were formed in many large cities. Some “left-wing” liberals declared, on the one hand, their support for the strike, and on the other hand, they resisted with all their might the development of unrest into

Government actions

The autocracy attempted to suppress the all-Russian strike through repression. Governor-General of St. Petersburg Trepov ordered the police and military not to spare ammunition when eliminating the rebels. However, the government failed to prevent the strike. In addition, there was unrest in the army itself. The authorities, therefore, did not have enough strength to suppress the revolution. A certain balance has developed in the state. Lenin wrote at that time that the autocracy no longer had, and the revolution did not yet have, enough forces to win. As a result, the authorities were forced to make concessions. On October 17, 1905, the Manifesto was signed, guaranteeing civil liberties. In the document, Nicholas II also promised to recognize the legislative rights of the Duma. However, the results of the all-Russian October political strike did not satisfy the Bolsheviks. Exposing the hypocrisy and deceit of the autocracy, the revolutionaries called for a new attack on tsarism.

End of unrest

After the adoption of the Manifesto, the Moscow Committee, which was dominated by liberals, issued a directive to end the strike. On 22.10 the strike ended in Moscow. In most regions of the country and on the railways, the strike lasted until the 25th, and in a number of areas until the November uprisings. Having received the support of representatives of the liberal bourgeoisie, who perceived the manifesto as the beginning of a constitutional path of development, the government began a decisive offensive against the revolutionaries. Pogroms and repressions swept the entire country.

Further rise of the revolution. All-Russian political strike in October 1905. The retreat of tsarism. Tsar's manifesto. The emergence of Soviets of Workers' Deputies.

By the fall of 1905, the revolutionary movement swept the entire country. It grew with enormous force.

On September 19, a strike of printers began in Moscow. It spread to St. Petersburg and a number of other cities. In Moscow itself, the printers' strike was supported by workers in other industries and turned into a general political strike.

At the beginning of October, a strike began on the Moscow-Kazan Railway. A day later the entire Moscow railway junction went on strike. Soon everyone was on strike railways countries. Postal and telegraph services stopped working. Workers in different cities of Russia gathered in rallies of thousands and decided to stop working. The strike spread from factory to factory, plant to plant, city to city, district to district. Small employees, students, and intellectuals - lawyers, engineers, doctors - joined the striking workers.

The October political strike became all-Russian, covering almost the entire country, right down to the most remote areas, covering almost all the workers, right down to the most backward strata. About a million industrial workers alone took part in the general political strike, not counting railway workers, postal and telegraph employees and others, who also took part in a large number of strikers. The entire life of the country was suspended. The power of the government was paralyzed.

The working class led the struggle of the masses against the autocracy.

The Bolshevik slogan of a mass political strike yielded results.

The October general strike, which showed the strength and power of the proletarian movement, forced the frightened tsar to issue a manifesto on October 17. The manifesto of October 17, 1905 promised the people “the unshakable foundations of civil freedom: actual inviolability of the individual, freedom of conscience, speech, assembly and association.” It was promised to convene a legislative Duma and involve all classes of the population in the elections.

Thus, the Bulygin deliberative Duma was swept away by the force of the revolution. The Bolshevik tactics of boycotting the Bulygin Duma turned out to be correct.

And yet, despite this, the manifesto of October 17 was a deception of the masses, a tsar’s trick, a kind of respite necessary for the tsar in order to lull the gullible, gain time, gather strength and then strike at the revolution. The tsarist government, while promising freedom in words, did not give anything significant in reality. Workers and peasants have so far received nothing but promises from the government. Instead of the expected broad political amnesty, on October 21 amnesty was given to a small part of political prisoners. At the same time, in order to divide the forces of the people, the government organized a series of bloody Jewish pogroms, during which thousands and thousands of people died, and to deal with the revolution, it created bandit police organizations: “Union of the Russian People”, “Union of Michael the Archangel”. These organizations, in which reactionary landowners, merchants, priests and semi-criminal elements from the tramps played a prominent role, were dubbed the “Black Hundred” by the people. The Black Hundreds openly beat and killed, with the assistance of the police, advanced workers, intellectual revolutionaries, and students; they set fire to and shot at rallies and meetings of citizens. This is what the results of the tsar's manifesto looked like so far.

At that time, the following song was popular among the people about the Tsar’s manifesto:

“The king got scared and issued a manifesto:

Freedom for the dead, arrest for the living.”

The Bolsheviks explained to the masses that the October 17 manifesto was a trap. They branded the government's behavior after the manifesto as a provocation. The Bolsheviks called on the workers to arms and to prepare for an armed uprising.

The workers began to create fighting squads even more energetically. It became clear to them that the first victory on October 17, wrested by a general political strike, required from them further efforts, further struggle to overthrow tsarism.

Lenin assessed the Manifesto of October 17 as a moment of some temporary balance of power, when the proletariat and peasantry, having snatched the manifesto from the Tsar, not yet able overthrow tsarism, but tsarism can no longer manage only the same funds and is forced promise in words “civil liberties” and “legislative” Duma.

In the stormy days of the October political strike, in the fire of the struggle against tsarism, the revolutionary creativity of the working masses created a powerful new weapon - the Soviets of Workers' Deputies.

The Soviets of Workers' Deputies, representing an assembly of delegates from all factories and factories, were a mass political organization of the working class unprecedented in the world. The Soviets, first born in 1905, were prototype Soviet power created by the proletariat under the leadership of the Bolshevik Party in 1917. The Soviets were a new revolutionary form of folk art. They were created exclusively by revolutionary sections of the population, breaking all sorts of laws and norms of tsarism. They were a manifestation of the initiative of the people who rose up to fight against tsarism.

The Bolsheviks viewed the Soviets as the beginnings of revolutionary power. They believed that the strength and importance of the Soviets depended entirely on the strength and success of the uprising.

The Mensheviks did not consider the Soviets either rudimentary organs of revolutionary power or organs of uprising. They looked at them as local governments, like democratized city governments.

On October 13 (26), 1905, elections to the Council of Workers' Deputies took place in all factories and factories in St. Petersburg. The first meeting of the Council took place at night. Following St. Petersburg, the Council of Workers' Deputies was organized in Moscow.

The Council of Workers' Deputies of St. Petersburg, as the Council of the largest industrial and revolutionary center of Russia, the capital of the Tsarist Empire, was to play a decisive role in the 1905 revolution. However, he did not fulfill his tasks due to the poor, Menshevik leadership of the Council. As you know, Lenin was not yet in St. Petersburg at that time; he was still abroad. The Mensheviks took advantage of Lenin's absence, made their way into the St. Petersburg Soviet and seized its leadership. It is not surprising that under such conditions the Mensheviks Khrustalev, Trotsky, Parvus and others managed to turn the St. Petersburg Council against the policy of uprising. Instead of bringing the soldiers closer to the Soviet and uniting them in a common struggle, they demanded the removal of the soldiers from St. Petersburg. Instead of arming the workers and preparing them for the uprising, the Council was marking time and had a negative attitude towards preparing the uprising.

The Moscow Soviet of Workers' Deputies played a completely different role in the revolution. From the very first days of its existence, the Moscow Soviet pursued a revolutionary policy to the end. The leadership in the Moscow Soviet belonged to the Bolsheviks. Thanks to the Bolsheviks, next to the Council of Workers' Deputies, the Council of Soldiers' Deputies arose in Moscow. The Moscow Soviet became the organ of the armed uprising.

During October - December 1905, Soviets of Workers' Deputies were created in a number of major cities and in almost all work centers. Attempts were made to organize Soviets of Soldiers' and Sailors' Deputies and to unite them with the Soviets of Workers' Deputies. In some places Soviets of Workers' and Peasants' Deputies were created.

The influence of the Soviets was enormous. Despite the fact that they often arose spontaneously, were not formalized and were vague in their composition, they acted like power. The Soviets carried out freedom of the press by takeover, established an 8-hour working day, and appealed to the people not to pay taxes to the tsarist government. In some cases, they confiscated money from the tsarist government and used it for the needs of the revolution.

 

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